Memories of the Battle for Merger

My grandparents and parents immigrated to Singapore during the 1930s. There was too much unrest in China and life was difficult there. They came to the Far East hoping to find some fortune and then return home to their motherland when the situation permitted. Therefore, when the communists took over China under Mao Zedong and drove out the Chiang Kai Shek government, my grandparents felt disturbed. They could not trust the communist. My parents and relatives were Chinese chauvinists and not pro-communists. They thought of China as their homeland and Singapore was just a temporary place to make their fortune and then return ‘home’. My home in Sembawang was still backward. We drank water from the well. There was no electricity. We used firewood for cooking and kerosene lamp for lighting. Our toilet was a small hut over the fish pond. My place was ‘infested’ with secret societies. They ruled the place and survived through ‘protection’ money. During school terms, I lived with my uncle’s family in Katong. I would return to stay in Sembawang during the school holidays. During the Battle for Merger, I was 12 years old, in Primary 6. I was attracted to the political situation in the region through my uncle, Joseph Yeo Khee Jin, who was then the deputy editor of the Straits Times. My uncle has since passed away. He would come home to share with the family on the latest political developments even before the news went to print in the papers the next day. The talks were broadcast over radio and Rediffusion. I realised that the PAP needed to team up with the communist to ‘fight’ the Workers’ Party under David Marshall and the Labour Front under Lim Yew Hock in the earlier years. I remember in the first election, my father voted for the Labour Front rather than the pro-communist parties. So, when the PAP teamed up with the communist to campaign for votes in the general election, my father immediately switched his allegiance to the PAP. Being a Chinese chauvinist, my father felt that the PAP presented a better future rather than the English-speaking Labour Front. He decided to vote for the PAP as a Chinese chauvinist. Many Chinese chauvinists and Chinese pro-communists voted for the PAP which came into power. Not soon after winning the general election, the pro-communist ministers started to give problems with their own ideologies. They threatened to break away from the PAP party. My father saw the earnestness in Mr Lee Kuan Yew and was worried about the communists taking over the PAP. Eventually the split took place and the pro-communist ministers formed the Barisan Sosialis under Dr Lee Siew Choh to contest the next election. Sometime in 1962, in the early morning, I heard a loud bomb explosion along East Coast Road and Still Road junction. I was living in Katong, not too far from the junction. Later, I was told that the communist were trying to sabotage some important installations in Singapore. I was awakened up to the real communist threat. My parents saw the communist infiltration into Chung Chung High School as disruptive but they still preferred to send their children to the Chinese schools. They believed that children would be taught filial piety in these schools. They saw the English-speaking schools as being too liberal. There were strikes taking place almost everywhere. I could see that in the newspapers. Some of the people who went on strikes were friends and relatives. In Katong area, I saw numerous strikes. Big banners were put up. The strikers wore headbands and armbands and stopped employees trying to enter the premises. They stopped passer-byes to explain their cause. They caused traffic jams, were rowdy at times and disrupted normal life. People were inconvenienced. Merger took place officially on 31 August 1963 when I was in Secondary one. Prior to the merger, we were already practicing on the ‘Negara-ku’, the national anthem of Malaysia in schools during assembly. I remember rehearsing the anthem during school assembly when I was in Primary six in 1962. There was a large billboard in Katong, next to the bus stop which read: “Malaysia, as sure as the sun will rise”. It was a foregone conclusion. People were resigned to the fact that Singapore was going to be in Malaysia as a matter of time. Mr Lee Kuan Yew was able to convince the people including my parents to support Malaysia. A referendum was held in September in 1962 to obtain majority support to join Malaysia. The result was positive one. I remember Mr Lee Kuan Yew mentioned three key things why Singapore should join Malaysia. 1. To obtain independence from the British: The British were our colonial lords and after the Second World War, my father felt that the British were not prepared to defend Singapore. He recounted an incident in which he saw a troop of British soldiers running away from their Japanese pursuers. To his surprise, he saw only two Japanese soldiers pursuing the whole troop of British soldiers, who were running for their lives, falling onto the ground from time to time as they ran. More surprising, the Japanese soldiers sling their rifles on their shoulders and were burning firecrackers to simulate gunfire. Hence, he felt the British did not deserve the respect accorded to them earlier. 2. To support our economy (West Malaysia, a hinterland of Singapore): At that time, Mr Lee Kuan Yew told the people that 40% of Singapore’s GDP came from the hinterland of West Malaysia. Rubber and tin were exported out of Singapore and goods were imported through Singapore for the hinterland. Without the merger, West Malaysia could pose a threat to Singapore as they could activate their own ports in the Klang area even though the operations would cost more. 3. To provide political stability (against the communists): Once Singapore became part of Malaysia, security would come under the Federation government who were weary of the communists. My father felt certain that the communists would be neutralised by the Federation government once Singapore merged with Malaysia through their Internal Security Act. With the communists put out of action, political stability would be more likely to succeed.